Given Wisconsin's history in the labor movement, perhaps it's fitting that next year we could find ourselves on the front line in the battle between public employee unions and the GOP. Union representatives and others sympathetic to the cause have been anything but hesitant to raise the issue of having it out with Governor Walker and the Republican legislature. Here's Capper:
Cognitive Dissidence: As The Unions Go, So Goes The Rest Of The WorkersBack in the days before unionized labor, working conditions were miserable to say the least. Workers were paid lower than living wages; young children would work long days, often in dangerous conditions; workers were often killed on the job; workdays were often 12 or more hours long, six or seven days a week; and in some extreme cases, workers' wives were forced to sleep with their husbands bosses or risk losing their jobs and their company-owned homes....
The question that I have is at what point do enough of us hit rock bottom, how many of us have to lose their jobs, their homes, their health care and even their lives before we wake up and take our county, state and country back?
In the post he quotes Xoff who raises the specter of a public employee strike, which makes me wonder what would be the public reaction to such an event.
Since a recovery in the employment numbers doesn't seem to be in the near future, I guess the unions could gamble on a strike, but that's just what it would be, a gamble. How long do they think the patience of private sector workers will hold out given the fact that many of them have had to get by with little or no raises, increased contributions to health insurance premiums, not to mention living under the shadow of a potential layoff?
Unless a Walker administration just blows it, I can imagine a scenario where Walker would take his case to the public, arguing that the offer he is making is reasonable given the tough economic times. Now juxtapose that with video of public workers on the picket line. Even if the public employees have legitimate arguments on some parts of the issue, how will this play out and where will the public come down? I think that part of the anti-immigrant mood of the electorate right now is rooted in economic insecurity. It's possible that a backlash against the unions in the wake of a strike could be even more intense.
The question, then, is why.
For Xoff the answer is simple, the public has been duped by Walker, the GOP, the Tea Party etc. It's a nice simple explanation, but like many simple explanations it probably doesn't really get at the heart of the matter.
Some of us self-described conservatives look at history and see how the industrial revolution moved us from a home-based economy to a corporate one, and how too many families surrendered their wives and children to corporations. The remedies that were in part brought about by union action and that Capper outlines changed this. But for a small section of us, the gains are viewed as fleeting since we just turned our children over to the government instead of the corporations. Our children were enrolled in institutionalized settings for compulsory public schooling, the outlines of which always seem to be expanding. After a brief interlude our wives were back in the work force and we have watched the family disintegrate. This is my view, and it influences my thinking, but like I said, it is a small section of the populace and it isn't what will drive any potential union backlash.
The real problem is that the labor movement could be a victim of its own success. If people view the gains that they have won as part of the permanent landscape of the country's work life, then what is the argument for keeping unions around? Capper and Xoff would have you believe that there are still critical fights to take on, but I'm not sure how many people buy this argument. Rightly or wrongly, many people think of unions as primarily protecting the worst workers. It's wrong to generalize about the millions of hard working union men and women based on a few bad apples, but in a time of economic insecurity this could easily dominate the public thinking.
Do unions, particularly public sector ones, have as much important work to do in 2011 as they did in 1911? Are gains from unionization of the labor force immune from diminishing returns? I'd probably answer no to both of these, even while I acknowledge the important role that unions have played in our history. If 2011 sees a showdown between the GOP and public employees in Wisconsin, we may get the chance to see how the general public would answer these questions as well.